Given that some of the traits identified above do not reflect Christ-likeness, it is not hard to see why not many Christians rate Obasanjo high. While it is noteworthy that Nigeria became attractive to such leading lights of Christianity as Benny Hinn, Reinhardt Bonnke and even the Full Gospel Businessmen’s Fellowship which held its world conference in Abuja; while it is true that he used his good offices to raise funds for the completion of the National Christian Centre and built a chapel in the presidential complex, his altercation with the Chairman of the Plateau State chapter of the Christian Association of Nigeria, whom he called a number of derogatory names, remains in the public domain. In addition, some of the revelations that have come out from the various public hearings organized by the two arms of the National Assembly do little to strengthen his Christian credentials.
The point can bear repetition. With the landslide victory of Stephen Barack Obama in the November presidential elections in the United States and his impending inauguration as the first black man to rule the world’s most powerful nation, nothing will be the same again. And people know it across the globe, as a recent encounter I had brought poignantly home to me.
My wife and I were walking down Clarendon Road in the Borehamwood area of North London last week. Temperature was five degrees Celsius, which for a couple of Africans who had just arrived from the warmth of Lagos, Nigeria was cold, cold, cold. And we were appropriately dressed. My wife in fact might pass for an astronaut! As we were “brisking” our way towards the Borehamwood-Elstree Highway, there was this gentleman calling out to us from across the road. “Xcuse me”, he called out. We stopped. He walked up to us and with a smile said to us: “You guys are in the driving seat now. You should make the best of it. My daughter works somewhere in Washington and you know what she told me? Michele Obama was speaking recently and she said, ‘all my ancestors asked for were 50 hectares of land and a mule to work it, but look what we’ve got: 50 States and a White House!’” He walked away before we’ve had time to reply him.
Now, I cannot vouch for the accuracy of the statement attributed to the in-coming First Lady of the United States. But the preface to his statement made such an impact on me. You guys, meaning, blacks, Africans, erstwhile slaves treated as sub-humans, with no civil liberties at all, ARE IN THE DRIVING SEAT NOW. In other words, the African is in charge, in a position to call the shots, direct the affairs of the most powerful nation in the world and, therefore, the world!
It is one of the most humbling interpretations of the Obama Phenomenon that I have heard. It is one of the reasons all who share the black skin must appreciate the monumental import of the miracle of November. It has brought home to me, very forcefully, the concept of success-by-association; a concept that says because Obama has a black skin and his father was from Kenya in Africa, and he succeeded, then I am a success, if I share those attributes even partially! But the opposite would also be true, won’t it? If Obama, black skin and all, fails, I would have failed too. If there is success-by-association, then there must be failure-by-association!
This brings me back to my thesis of last week. I had admitted to a déjà vu feeling, a feeling of having walked this path before. I told the story of contemporary Nigerian political history. Following the resounding success of one of their sons in an election that was adjudged free and fair by most observers, ethnic Yorubas had expected to see one of theirs in Aso Villa, our own White House. When that did not happen because the elections were annulled, they were understandably livid, seeing it as a continuation of the maginalisation that had characterised the process of recruiting leadership at its highest in the country. Reading the mood of this vocal segment of the nation, and desirous of assuaging their hurt, the political establishment, the “fixers” decided to concede the presidency to the Yorubas. As a result Matthew Olusegun Obasanjo, a former military Head of state was virtually sprung from prison and steam-rolled through an election against one of his kinsmen, Olu Falae. As I pointed out, the Yorubas, most of whom did not vote for him, soon began to celebrate the ascendancy of one of their own.
The Yoruba were not alone. Nigerian Christians also found kinship with President Obasanjo who had upon release from prison publicly proclaimed that he had become born-again. I concluded like this: “Expectations were high both among the Yorubas and among Nigerian Christians. Yoruba expected their son to reflect the values they represent in the style and content of his governance. Christians expected the enthronement of Kingdom principles in policy making and execution. What did they get? Were their expectations met?”
Without being uncharitable, the answer is an unqualified ‘no’. That, for the avoidance of any doubts, is not saying that he achieved nothing; it is simply to say that he fell far below expectation on many crucial counts. Let’s look at some of them, for purposes of authentication.
The Yoruba like to see themselves as democratic in orientation, preferring their leaders to reason with rather than coerce the led into submission. They are rule of law activists with uncompromising commitment to constitutionalism. They like to see themselves as supportive of the medium-size government operating the so-called mixed economy model with an eye on the necessity for government to be in position to assist the weak, the poor. The Yorubas like to be styled as Omoluabi – subscribing to a certain set of values built around honesty and communality. Obasanjo didn’t seem to have reflected any of these with any degree of consistency. He was high-handed, operated like a dictator rather than an elected official. Given his military background, this didn’t come as a surprise to many people, but it was thought that he would allow the democratic ambience provided by the presence of the legislature moderate his conduct in the high office of civilian president. He talked down on the people rather than talk with them. He simply could not rein in his command mentality. To compound matters, most members of his personal staff simply took on his aggressive, combat posture, treating dissent virtually like rebellion.
He treated the constitution and the rule of law sometimes like mines to be walked round; and at other times like hindrances to be taken out of the way. This reflected in his relationship with the legislature, the courts and civil society. While his economic policy, based on the market-dominated model of the World Bank/International Monetary Fund, contributed somewhat to the rebirth of the middle class, it also led to the emergency of a new class of the super-rich on the one hand and further impoverishment of the very poor. Against the background of the unprecedented rise in crude oil prices virtually all through his tenure, the fact that power, roads and rail only got his attention at the tail end of his eighth year in office is, to put it mildly, rather cynical.
Obasanjo also rubbished the values of his people in the abuse of the anti-corruption machinery he himself set up turning it into a personal attack dog; his attempt at elongating his stay in office through a dubious constitutional review project; and the virtual militarization of the conduct of the 2007 elections leading to its widespread condemnation as the worst in the history of polling in the nation.
What about his Christian constituency? How did he represent them in government?
Given that some of the traits identified above do not reflect Christ-likeness, it is not hard to see why not many Christians rate Obasanjo high. While it is noteworthy that Nigeria became attractive to such leading lights of Christianity as Benny Hinn, Reinhardt Bonnke and even the Full Gospel Businessmen’s Fellowship which held its world conference in Abuja; while it is true that he used his good offices to raise funds for the completion of the National Christian Centre and built a chapel in the presidential complex, his altercation with the Chairman of the Plateau State chapter of the Christian Association of Nigeria, whom he called a number of derogatory names, remains in the public domain. In addition, some of the revelations that have come out from the various public hearings organized by the two arms of the National Assembly do little to strengthen his Christian credentials.
Now, what have all of these got to do with Barack Obama and the US presidency? Very little in direct terms, but as I said earlier, the ecstasy that I see all around me is relatively similar to the optimism among the Yorubas and Christian Nigerians at the election of Obasanjo. I recall the slogan “it won’t be business as usual” at the onset of the administration and I wonder what went wrong. But how does this reflect on the Obama Phenomenon? (To be concluded).
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